There is a growing perception that Sabahans have shown a preference for locally based political parties over those originating from Peninsular Malaysia.
This shift is linked to unhappiness among Sabahans over the lack of progress in fulfilling the promises of the Malaysia Agreement 1963 (MA63), including the long-standing issue of the unfulfilled 40 per cent revenue entitlement, which many believe has hindered the state’s development.
Politicians have reinforced this sentiment through political messaging such as “Sabah for Sabahans”, championed by Warisan, and “Kita Jaga Rumah Kita”, promoted by Gabungan Rakyat Sabah (GRS).
For some, these slogans are perceived to instil fear and animosity towards the Federal Government and Peninsular Malaysians. However, they also emphasise local autonomy and the need for Sabahans to play a greater role in managing the state’s affairs.
These themes appear to have resonated with voters in the recent state election, where Peninsular Malaysia-based parties performed poorly. Parti Keadilan Rakyat lost nine of the 10 seats it contested, DAP failed to win any of the eight seats it stood in, while Perikatan Nasional won only one of the 42 seats it contested.
The Umno-led Barisan Nasional secured only six seats despite fielding candidates in 45 constituencies. By comparison, Barisan Nasional won 59 of 60 seats in Sabah in the 2008 state election.
In contrast, the Sabah-based Warisan party, led by Datuk Seri Mohd Shafie Apdal, emerged as the single largest party with 25 seats, while GRS won 29 of the 73 seats in the state assembly.
While “Sabah for Sabahans” and “Kita Jaga Rumah Kita” have proven to be effective political slogans, they should not be interpreted as a rejection of the Federal Government or of Sabah’s place within Malaysia. Rather, they reflect a desire for greater local participation and influence in governance.
However, some interpretations of these slogans go beyond what is constitutionally feasible. More radical proponents have expressed online that only Sabahans should rule the state, suggesting that Sabah should establish its own armed forces – including an army, navy and air force – to defend itself from external threats.
Defence and security, however, fall squarely under federal jurisdiction, and the MA63 does not grant Sabah such authority.
What could be proposed instead is the establishment of a state coast guard, similar to Sarawak’s model, although this would still need to operate in coordination with federal agencies such as the Malaysian Maritime Enforcement Agency.
There are also calls for Sabah to independently manage education and healthcare, staffed exclusively by Sabahans. While education and healthcare are shared responsibilities, they remain subject to significant federal oversight and funding, particularly for public universities, schools, hospitals and training institutions.
What Sabahans can do is play a greater role in shaping policies and initiatives tailored to local needs, as demonstrated in Sarawak through programmes such as the Sarawak Education Enhancement Programme and state-funded higher education for locals, implemented within the national legal framework.
Some “Sabah for Sabahans” supporters have proposed phasing out federal institutions such as MARA colleges in favour of Sabah-owned institutions and, ultimately, a state university. Such changes, however, would require compliance with existing federal laws, as institutions like Universiti Malaysia Sabah, MARA colleges and federal hospitals operate as part of national systems serving Sabahans as citizens of Malaysia.
There are also suggestions that the Federal Government should facilitate the return of 200,000 Sabahans working in Peninsular Malaysia to replace Peninsular Malaysians currently employed in Sabah. While MA63 grants Sabah certain immigration controls over non-Sabahans, it does not allow for the blanket exclusion of Malaysians from working, teaching or serving in the state, nor does it permit the forced repatriation of Sabahans from elsewhere in the country.
Calls to bar Peninsular Malaysia-based political parties such as PKR, Umno, Pas, Bersatu and DAP from operating in Sabah would likewise run counter to democratic principles, including freedom of association and political representation.
Ultimately, Sabah-based parties that campaign on local empowerment must translate electoral mandates into effective governance. This includes improving infrastructure, ensuring reliable water and electricity supply, strengthening connectivity, and maintaining political stability in a diverse, multi-ethnic society.
These objectives are unlikely to be achieved through exclusionary policies, but rather through constructive engagement with federal institutions and sustained cooperation within the framework of the Malaysian Federation.
The views expressed here are the personal opinion of the writer and do not necessarily represent that of Twentytwo13.
