As Malaysians celebrate Malaysia Day today – a momentous occasion marking the formation of the federation of Malaysia in 1963 – perhaps it is an opportune time to reflect on the state of unity within the nation.
This day is emblematic of the diverse yet united identity that Malaysia aspires to foster. It commemorates the inclusion of Sabah, Sarawak, and Singapore into the federation, though Singapore would later become independent. While Malaysia Day celebrates the country’s diversity, it also prompts us to examine the extent to which the country has moved beyond tribalism – an age-old mindset of loyalty to one’s ethnic or cultural group at the expense of broader national unity.
In Malaysia’s context, the term ‘tribalism’ refers not just to ethnicity, but to a more complex social fabric that includes race, religion, and regional identities. With Malays, Chinese, Indians, and indigenous groups forming the major ethnic blocs, alongside the country’s religious diversity, Malaysia’s identity is deeply pluralistic.
But has tribalism truly become a thing of the past, or does it still pervade the nation’s socio-political landscape?
Malaysia’s history of colonialism, specifically under British rule, institutionalised tribalism through a divide-and-rule policy. The British brought in Chinese and Indian labour to fuel the tin and rubber industries, assigning specific roles and economic functions to each ethnic group.
This created a stratified society based on race, with Malays largely remaining in rural agrarian roles, the Chinese dominating business and commerce, and the Indians working in plantations. Post-independence, the government had to navigate these complex social dynamics, leading to policies like the New Economic Policy (NEP) in 1971.
This affirmative action programme aimed to reduce the economic disparity between the Malays and non-Malays, promoting national unity, but also perpetuating a form of tribalism. Many non-Malays perceived the policy as favouring the Malay majority, entrenching feelings of division despite its intended goals of equity and national integration.
Many politicians in the peninsula also perpetuated racial politics with unkind speeches to make themselves relevant. Without doubt, there had been abuses of the NEP by elites, much to the detriment of the target groups.
While overt tribalism – where individuals primarily identify and act based on their ethnic or communal group – may not be as visible as it was in the early decades of Malaysia’s independence, it remains a significant undercurrent in the nation’s political and social discourse.
The country’s political system is still largely driven by ethnic-based parties, despite efforts to form more multi-ethnic coalitions. I observe that political parties over the last 60 years have not made serious efforts towards eradicating tribalistic tendencies, with contradictory messages made by prominent party leaders.
Also, there have been no effective and long-term efforts by the so-called Ministry of Unity since the 1980s to establish a common Malaysian vision among the citizens.
Despite the fact that the Federal Constitution provides for equality between citizens, and non-discrimination in the workplace, there has been no legislation to address race relations in Malaysia.
Hence, toxic speeches that promote division based on race and religion continue to be churned out by political leaders, until the introduction of the 3R policy by Prime Minister Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim’s unity government recently, which seems to have somewhat ‘smothered’ toxic race and religious-based narratives.
For example, the United Malays National Organisation (Umno), the Malaysian Chinese Association (MCA), and the Malaysian Indian Congress (MIC) are the traditional pillars of Barisan Nasional, the coalition that ruled Malaysia for over six decades. However, since 2018, their influence on the national political landscape has significantly waned.
Although the Pakatan Harapan coalition has made some strides towards creating a multi-ethnic political platform, the fact remains that most political narratives in Malaysia are shaped along ethnic lines.
Religious identity also plays a significant role in contemporary Malaysia, particularly among the Muslim Malay majority. The rise of political Islam in recent decades has introduced another dimension to the nation’s tribalistic tendencies, where religion and ethnicity often become conflated.
This has led to debates over the extent of Islamic influence in public policy and governance, sometimes creating tensions between Muslims and non-Muslims in Malaysia.
In this context, I have often wondered why the issue of disunity and conflicts among Muslims themselves due to the politicisation of Islam has not been extensively discussed among academics. Are they unaware of the dangers? Are they afraid to touch the subject?
Here, I must commend the mufti of Perlis, Datuk Dr Mohd Asri Zainul Abidin, popularly known as Dr Maza, who lucidly and consistently reminds politicians of the dangers of politicising Islam, to the ummah.
Despite these challenges, there are positive signs that Malaysia is evolving beyond tribalistic divisions. Younger generations, especially in urban areas, tend to be more open to multi-ethnic cooperation and are less likely to adhere to rigid racial identities.
Social media and global connectivity have also played a role in breaking down barriers, enabling Malaysians from different backgrounds to engage in cross-cultural dialogues and interactions.
The political landscape, while still heavily influenced by ethnic considerations, is also showing signs of change. The 2018 general election, which saw the defeat of the long-ruling Barisan Nasional coalition, was viewed as a turning point for Malaysia’s political maturity.
The victory of Pakatan Harapan was built on a platform of reform and inclusivity, signalling that voters were increasingly willing to support a multi-ethnic vision of governance. Additionally, Malaysia’s cultural and social initiatives, such as the “Bangsa Malaysia” concept, have aimed to cultivate a national identity that transcends ethnic or tribal affiliations.
National events like Malaysia Day are symbolic of this effort to foster unity, celebrating the country’s pluralism, while reinforcing the message that Malaysians, despite their differences, belong to one nation.
Furthermore, educational reforms aimed at integrating students from different backgrounds into a shared learning environment could play a crucial role in reducing ethnic divisions. Programmes that emphasise common values, shared history, and collective responsibility are vital in ensuring that future generations grow up with a more inclusive mindset.
History taught in schools should not be manipulated to be ethnic-centric but must reflect the true diverse past of the nation.
Admittedly, despite these positive developments, Malaysia still faces significant challenges in fully moving beyond tribalism. Economic disparities between ethnic groups, lingering resentment over affirmative action policies, and the political use of race and religion for electoral gains continue to complicate the nation’s efforts towards true unity.
Moreover, regional disparities – such as those between Peninsular Malaysia and East Malaysia – add another layer of complexity. Sabah and Sarawak, for example, often feel marginalised in national development policies and resource distribution. This regional sense of alienation, coupled with ethnic and religious factors, can sometimes fuel tribalistic tendencies, even within the context of the larger national framework.
As Malaysia commemorates another Malaysia Day, it is essential to ask if tribalism has truly become a thing of the past. The answer is likely more nuanced than a simple yes or no. While overt tribalism may not dominate the national discourse as it once did, it still exists in subtler, systemic forms – shaped by political, economic, and religious factors.
I believe that this unity government, on its reform mission, can make a difference towards creating a true Bangsa Malaysia with a common national vision.
The views expressed here are the personal opinion of the writer and do not necessarily represent that of Twentytwo13.
